12,000
years of hunting, gathering, raising, growing,
cooking, marketing &
Eating in New Mexico:
First New
Mexicans
Ancient Indian Cultures:
Clovis
Culture | Folsom Site
| Chaco Canyon Culture |
Mogollon/Mimbres | Bandelier
|
New Mexico's Indian Nations:
Apache,
Navajo, Pueblo
Ancient
Indian Cultures
New Mexico's food history begins
with hunting and gathering peoples whose descendents
later started growing crops and lived in permanent
settlements. Celebrated sites such as Clovis,
Folsom, Mimbres Valley, Chaco Canyon, Bandelier,
to name a few, provided much of our understanding
of the first Americans and what they ate.
Due to the efforts of many New
Mexican groups and individuals these important
food heritage sites are in various states of preservation
and many allow public access. Others have established
museums and exhibits to educate the public about
their prehistoric food heritage.
Clovis
Culture
About
Clovis Culture, Blackwater Drawc.
11,200 years ago
Clovis points (photo
source)
Clovis Culture is known for the
invention of superbly crafted grooved or fluted
stone projectiles (Clovis points) first found
near Clovis, New Mexico, in 1932. Clovis points
have been found throughout the Americas. The people
of this era hunted big game, notably mammoths.
Blackwater Locality No. 1 is
the "Clovis Type Site" for the oldest
accepted widespread culture in the New World.
Evidence of their remarkable "fluted"
points (a New World invention), other stone and
bone weapons, tools, and processing implements
are found at the site. These implements are associated
with extinct Pleistocene megafauna such as Columbian
mammoth, ancient bison, large horses, and large
turtles. Other Pleistocene age animals that visited
the site for food and water were tapir, camel,
four-prong antelope, tampulama, llama, deer, dire
wolf, ground sloth, short-faced bear, saber-tooth
cat, shovel-toothed amebeledon, beaver, armadillos,
and peccary.
Blackwater Locality No. 1 contains
the earliest water control system in the New World.
Clovis age and Archaic age wells were found here
indicating climate fluctuations and variable water
tables in one of the most stable spring fed lakes
of the past, providing a much needed water source
in times of drought. The Clovis age hand dug well
is currently on display on the east side of the
South Bank at the site.
Food heritage site threatened
Gravel mining began in September
1932, beginning with two horses dragging gravel
with fresnal type buckets into piles to be loaded
onto trucks for road construction. In the 1950's
massive earth moving equipment and dynamite were
subsequently used to move the 20-30 feet deep
overburden (which contained cultural materials)
resting above the gravel.
Preservation efforts
Since the site's discovery, attempts
were made in 1940 by John Cotter, in 1956 by Fred
Wendorf, and 1963 by a host of New Mexico dignitaries
and local people, to save several acres of the
in situ cultural deposits from being destroyed
by gravel mining. Not until 1978 were the Site's
157 acres purchased by Eastern New Mexico University.
The 1983-1984 investigations revealed 800 meters
of in situ cultural deposits on the southwest
side. Buried camp sites are also thought to exist
around the former ancient lake edge.
Description
of a hunt using Clovis spear points
Artist interpretation of Paleoindians hunting
Bison antiquus (image
credit)
The time is 13,300 years ago.
Imagine that you are enjoying the view of the
lush vegetation on the Llano Estacado. The spring
fed Blackwater Draw Lake is a favorite place to
hunt. You remember how much better this water
tastes than the last water hole. It feels good
to rest for the moment, watching the insects and
birds fly around. The group of hunters you are
with suddenly become alert. A tense excitement
is mounting as a loud, awesome sound is heard.
You recognize this as the sound of a mammoth.
The animal is tromping through the tall grasses
that surround the lake wanting a drink of cool
water. Your extended family members have begun
stalking toward the sound. They motion with hand
signals for you to go in a certain direction.
Everyone prepares for the flurry
of action to come. The spear throwing stick is
aimed and ready. The Clovis spear points are sharp.
Hopefully one will pierce a vital organ and cause
the huge creature to die. The signal is given
and the attack proceeds. The mammoth falls. The
band of hunters rush to finish the kill.
Plenty of food is available from
one animal this size. Tons of meat can be prepared
for the coming winter. Most of the group helps
in the process of preparing the meat, hide, and
bones for future use. Some members keep watch
with their weapons ready. Other large predators
may be nearby and hungry.
This scene was repeated many
times during the Clovis occupation of the Blackwater
Draw Site. Even though other animals were killed
for food, the mammoth was considered the prize.
It provided an abundance of food and other natural
resources, such as sinew, tusks, and bone for
weapons and tools. Brains for tanning the hide
and rib bones for shelter supports were also obtained.
Nothing was wasted. (A
Brief Scenario of Life at Blackwater Locality
No. 1 Site)
Blackwater
Draw Museum first opened to the public
in 1969 and displays artifacts and exhibits associated
with the Blackwater Locality No. 1 Archaeological
Site, one of the most important archaeological
sites in the New World. Over 13,000 years of site
usage are described, from mammoth hunting to modern
culture.
Blackwater
Locality No. 1 is a National Historic
Landmark, a key archaeological site in the New
World. This unique site documents and interprets
the earliest Paleoindian cultures in North America.
It is a research entity and is used as a reference
point for Paleoindian Studies in North America
and the Southern High Plains. Blackwater Locality
No. 1 is also listed on the National Register
of Historic Places.
Learn
more about Clovis vs. Pre-Clovis sites....the
alternative views
Folsom
Culture
The
original folsom point embedded in the ribs of
a bison.
The
Folsom Point, discovered near
Folsom, New Mexico, in 1927, was crafted from
flint some 10 thousand years ago. Discovered on
a joint expedition by archaeologists from the
American Museum of Natural History and the Denver
Museum of Natural History, this spear point stands
among the most important archaeological finds
ever made on this continent.
This single point settled a longstanding difference
of opinion about when the first humans arrived
in what we now call North America. Many believed
the first Native American cultures to be no more
than 2000 or 3000 years old, while others believed
that they were thousands of years older than that.
With the discovery of the Folsom Point, which
was embedded in the bones of a bison known to
have been extinct for 10,000 years, the disagreement
was resolved: the point was incontrovertible evidence
that there were humans here as early as the Ice
Age. The real Folsom Point is displayed in a cast
of the bones in which it was embedded, re-creating
the way this momentous discovery appeared to members
of the expedition. ---source
Preservation
of Folsom as a food heritage site
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The site is now protected from
elk and livestock damage by virtue of the 8 foot
high fence constructed by the state in 2002. The
banks of Wild Horse Arroyo are now partially covered
by vegetation (grasses and forbs), and these serve
to partially stabilize the slopes. The small check
dams in the main channel of Wild Horse Arroyo
have trapped 4 to 6 inches of silt behind them,
allowing plants to establish themselves on the
floor of the arroyo; and these serve to protect
the arroyo bottom during periods of runoff. The
danger of catastrophic erosive loss of some portion
of the remaining cultural deposits remains, as
it has continuously since the major flood event
that first exposed the site. The measures taken
in 2002 address some of the small-scale effects
of animal activities and natural erosive processes
that occur on a regular basis but cannot ameliorate
the broader situation.
Conditions have improved to the extent that the
construction of the fence and small-scale check
dams allow. Encouraging the natural vegetation
to re-establish itself within the 10-acre state
monument area has stabilized the slopes considerably.
Trapping silt behind the small check dams provides
a substrate for the growth of vegetation within
the drainage channels. This is beneficial in that
the vegetation will lay down during a flood event,
thereby protecting the substrate and conveying
runoff downstream with a minimum of erosive effect
within the monument boundaries. The New Mexico
State Land Office (SLO) will continue to manage
the property so as to preserve and protect the
locale and the remaining cultural deposits. The
SLO is developing a cooperative management agreement
with New Mexico State Monuments Division of the
Department of Cultural Affairs that will assist
in providing protection and stewardship for the
property.
(source)
Bison
antiquus
Bison antiquus (image
credit)
Recent find of Bison
antiquus near Folsom
The remains of a bison were recently
discovered along Archuleta Creek, a
tributary of the Dry Cimarron River, at a spot
just ca. 4 km from the Folsom
type site. The bones were exposed in a deeply
undercut, eroding section of the
south bank of the creek. They consisted of a series
of ordered vertebrae lying
flat with their dorsal surfaces protruding out
of the stream bank, suggesting
the skeleton was on its side, oriented roughly
parallel to the present drainage.
The remains were found ca. 4 m below the present
surface, lying along the
upper, undulating surface of what appeared to
be Pleistocene-age gravel, and
largely contained within and overlain by fine,
overbank sediments.
(Read the rest of the report)
The Discoverer
of the Folsom Site
In 1908, after the Folsom Flood
of August 27th, a Black Cowboy by the name of
George McJunkin discovered a
large deposit of bones protruding from the bank
of the Dry Cimarron River while riding in Wild
Horse Arroyo with a friend, Bill Gordon. Bill
took some of the bones to Raton and showed them
to Fred Howarth. It was George McJunkin, however,
who was convinced that these bones were unusual.
An amateur archeaologist, George knew they had
to be of some extinct animal. Unfortunately, George
did not live to know that he had discovered "Folsom
Man." It wasn't until 1925 that scientist
determined that George's discovery was one of
the most important archaeological finds ever made
in North America.
Read
more here.
Folsom
Museum; Folsom
Site in 1928
"Folsom
Site" at Wild Horse Canyon,
eight miles west of Folsom, New Mexico is one
of the most widely known archaeological localities
in North America. It is routinely mentioned in
archaeological texts, regularly appears on maps
of notable American sites and, of course, served
historically as the type locality for the Folsom
Paleoindian period – a slice of time and
a distinctive archaeological culture dating from
around 10,900 to around 10,200 years ago. Folsom
is on the National Register of Historic Places,
it is a National Historic Landmark, and it is
a New Mexico State Monument.
Folsom
Museum (Folsom, New Mexico) is a
community effort to introduce the story of the
nearby Folsom
site, where what became known as the Folsom
Culture (c. 10,900 years ago) was discovered in
1926. "Folsom Man" developed a smaller,
thinner, fluted spear point than Clovis type,
hunted big game, notably the huge bison ancestor
of the modern buffalo and used a spear-throwing
device called an atlatl (an Aztec word for “spear-thrower”).
Discovery of Folsom point in 1927 gave earliest
proof of humans in America.
About the
Anasazi (c.
300 B.C.–A.D. 1300)
Photo
source
Anasazi (a Navajo word meaning
“The ancient ones or "ancient enemies"”)
is the general name for the people who link the
hunter gatherering Paleo-Indians with the Native
American peoples of contemporary New Mexico and
the Southwest. The Anazazi's descendants are the
Hopi and other Pueblo Indians. The Anasazi inhabited
the Colorado Plateau “four corners,”
where Arizona, New Mexico, Utah, and Colorado
now meet. Their settled way of life was due mainly
to the cultivation of corn, beans, squash. They
also cultivated cotton and wove cloth. The early
Anasazi are known as the Basketmaker People for
their extraordinary basketwork. They were skilled
workers in stone, carved stone Kachina dolls,
built pit houses which later developed into apartment-like
pueblos. They constructed road networks, were
avid astronomers, used a solar calendar. They
traded with Mesoamerican Toltecs. Important Anasazi
sites are Chaco Canyon, N.M.; Mesa Verde, Colo.;
Canyon de Chelly, Ariz.; Bandelier, N.M.; Betatkin,
N.M. The Acoma Pueblo, N.M., built circa A.D.
1300 and still occupied, may be the oldest continuously
inhabited village in the U.S.
The Anasazi
and the Puebloans, who came after them, were corn
farmers.
A pueblo farmer, using a digging
stick with footrest to plant corn seeds.
Anasazi corn kernels (photo
credit)
"Piki": a paper thin
blue corn bread (photo
credit)
Piki (possibly
an Anasazi creation) is a special bread now made
mostly by the Hopi of their blue corn. It is several
thicknesses of transparently thin flat bread 15
or 16 inches in diameter, rolled into a scroll;
the best is so light it is almost weightless.
It is crisp and delicious with the delicate but
distinctive blue corn flavor. The next paragraph
is a description of the traditional method of
making piki, as told by Carol Locust of the Native
American Research and Training Center of the University
of Arizona.
Piki is cooked on a smooth stone
over a small fire.
Piki griddles have been passed down through generations
of Puebloan women. (photo
credit)
"I remember seeing her on
her knees in the piki house, a small outside building
of ancient blocks, and watching her test the large,
flat, piki stone for its heat. The blue corn meal
in the bowl beside her had been ground to powder,
mixed with a small amount of finely sifted ashes,
and blended with fresh spring water until thick
and smooth as cream. Kneeling in front of the
piki stone, Ellie was hardly visible, but she
became a whirlwind of activity when the stone
was hot enough. Her hands moved like lightning.
Deftly she dipped one hand into the bowl of piki
mixture, scooping a certain amount on the outside
of her palm, and swiftly -- very swiftly -- swept
her hand and the mixture across the hot stone.
As quickly Ellie's other hand lifted the parchment
and placed it to the side, while another scoop
of mixture was already being swept across the
stone. The two transparent sheets were rolled
together, and a third and fourth added, and a
fifth and sixth, until Ellie was satisfied and
the rolled transparent sheets became a piki bread.
Ellie worked tirelessly and, it seemed, effortlessly."
Excerpt from The Piki Maker:
Disabled American Indians, Cultural Beliefs, and
Traditional Behaviors, a monograph by Carol
Locust, Ph.D., published by Native American Research
and Training Center, University of Arizona, Tucson,
Arizona.
While corn, beans and squash
and other plants were the primary sources of food
for the Anasazi and later the Puebloans, they
always hunted large and small animals. Hunting
rituals played an important part in their religious
ceremonies.
Deer and other hunted animals were treated with
great respect, so that their spirits would be
pleased and send other animals for men's food.
Sometimes their bodies were decorated with blankets
and turquoise.
Most Anasazi and later Puebloan hunters relied
on smaller animals. This hunter is preparing to
throw a rabbit hunting stick.
Here are diagrams of traps for catching coyotes,
prairie dogs and rabbits.
Mimbres
Culture Pottery: an important source of information
about the foodways of prehistoric peoples of NM
image
credit
Western
New Mexico University Museum houses
one of the largest permanent displays
of Mimbres Pottery and culture in the world.
Mogollon
Culture (Mimbres Valley)
The Mogollon (pronounced mo-goi-YONE)
is the name applied to one of the four major prehistoric
archaeological traditions of the American Southwest.
The American Indian culture known as the Mogollon
lived in the southwest from approximately AD 700
until sometime between AD 1300 and AD 1400. The
name Mogollon comes from the Mogollon Mountains,
which were named after a Spanish official, Don
Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollón.
The Mogollon settled high-altitude
desert areas in what is today New Mexico, northern
Mexico and western Texas. The Mogollon were an
agricultural people who lived primarily in cliff
dwellings or high plateau villages overlooking
their farmland. They supplemented their farming
with hunting and gathering activities. They developed
pit houses, later dwelt in pueblos. Were accomplished
stoneworkers. Famous for magnificent black on
white painted pottery. (read
more)
Important
food sources for Mimbres people
depicted on their pottery
The black-tailed
jackrabbit is really a hare and was an important
food source for the Mimbres people and was often
pictured on Mimbres food bowls. (image
credit)
It was because of these extraordinary
bowls that archeologists first took an interest
in the seemingly unremarkable Mimbres culture.
The Mimbres villages were scattered throughout
southwestern New Mexico, big blocklike complexes
of connected storage and living rooms. The compact
living quarters, about 45 to 60 feet square, were
lit by ceiling hatchways and small vents in an
outside wall. Large plazas in the center of each
village, surrounded by the housing complexes,
provided space for public ceremonies, communal
rituals, and food preparation—activities
depicted on the bowls.
The Mimbres gathered wild plants
and hunted game, but they also cultivated squash,
corn, and beans, and—at a time when the
Anasazis relied on scarce and unpredictable rainfall—constructed
extensive irrigation systems to ensure a steady
water supply for their crops. Although their agriculture
suggests a static existence, the group did not
live in complete isolation.
Fish (HM 4780,
4774, 4778, 99) were also commonly depicted on
Mimbres pottery bowls. While many are images of
the local Chihuahua Chub the Mimbres caught for
food. (image
credit)
Ocean fish depicted on their
bowls indicate the Mimbres traveled as far as
the Gulf of California, five or six hundred miles
away. And they seem to have traded with various
groups to obtain shell jewelry, feathers, stone
axes, and other luxury and ritual items.
Their remarkable success at managing
their environment may finally have led to the
depletion of important natural resources. Skeletal
evidence suggests that the Mimbres suffered from
poor health and dietary deficiencies. Ultimately,
the group disappeared around A.D. 1150, although
there is little doubt of their connection to the
Pueblo people. (source)
Human figures make
up only about 15% of the painted figures, and
date to the last 150 years of Mimbres civilization.
The Palmer collection contains several of these
figural pieces, most of which depict hunting scenes
(HM 96, 114, 4782,). Mimbres hunters used animal
guises (HM 104, 5098) as a part of their hunting
ritual. The idea behind wearing the mask of an
animal during hunting—not necessarily that
of the animal to be killed—was to encourage
the prey to approach closer before it was killed.
Palmer
Collection in Maine Center for the Arts
The great value of the ceramic
collection obtained from the Mimbres is the large
number of figures representing men, animals, and
characteristic geometrical designs, often highly
conventionalized, depicted on their interiors.
These figures sometimes cover a greater part of
the inner surface, are often duplicated, and are
commonly surrounded by geometrical designs or
simple lines parallel with the outer rim of the
vessel. It is important to notice the graceful
way in which geometrical figures with which the
ancient potters decorated their bowls are made
to grade into the bodies of animals, as when animal
figures become highly conventionalized into geometrical
designs.
The ancients represented on their
food bowls men engaged in various occupations,
such as hunting or ceremonial dances, and in that
way have bequeathed to us a knowledge of their
dress, their way of arranging their hair, weapons,
and other objects adopted on such occasions. They
have figured many animals accompanied by conventional
figures which have an intimate relation to their
cults and their social organization. Although
limited in amount and imperfect in its teaching
this material is most instructive. (source:
Fewkes, Jesse Walter. The Mimbres Art and
Archaeology with an Introduction by J.J. Brody.
Albuguerque, New Mexico: Avanyu Publishing, Inc.
1989).
Chaco
Canyon
View of Chaco Canyon great houses
(photo credit)
About 1030, the Chacoan people
combined pre-planned architectural designs, astronomical
alignments, geometry, landscaping, and engineering
to create an ancient urban center of spectacular
public architecture. Researchers have concluded
that the complex may have had a relatively small
residential population, with larger groups assembling
only temporarily for annual events and ceremonies.
Smaller sites, apparently more residential in
character, are scattered around the Great Houses
in Chaco Canyon.
The extended Ancient Pueblo (Anasazi)
community also began to experience a population
and building boom about this time. By 1115, at
least seventy outlying pueblos with characteristic
Chacoan architecture had been built within the
25,000 square mile (65,000 km²) area of the
San Juan Basin. Researchers debate the function
of these outlying settlements, some large enough
to be considered Great Houses in their own right.
Some suggest they may have been more than agricultural
communities, perhaps acting as trading posts or
as ceremonial sites.
Many outliers are connected to the central canyon
and to one another by the enigmatic Chacoan "roads."
Extending up to 130 miles (208 km), in generally
straight lines, these roads appear to have been
extensively surveyed and engineered.
The cohesive system that characterized
Chaco Canyon began to break down about 1140, perhaps
in response to a severe region-wide drought, to
water management that led to arroyo-cutting, and
to deforestation.
The food connection to the decline
of Chaco Canyon civilization is explained by Gary
Nabhan in Enduring Seeds: Native American
Agriculture and Wild Plant Conservation.
"Chaco Canyon deforestation was driven by
the use of one hundred thousand conifers for the
multi-storied pueblos, an Anasazi city-state.
Like the shapers and devenders of industrial economies,
the priestly elite of Chaco were preoccupied with
extra-regional trade of commodities rather than
with local self-dufficiency. They had left behind
the minds of subsistence farmers centuries before.
Julio Betancourt has hypothesized tht Chaco's
farmlands were abandoned when erosion followed
the cutting of lumber and fuelwood in the watershed
above the pueblos. At first, the loss of local
natural resources may have intensified the pueblo's
dependence on commodity imports. Soon, economic
instabilities must have toppled the puebloan power
structure. Although the Anasazi exodus from Chaco
Canyon occurred with hundred years ago, Betancourt
believes the vegetation there has not yet recovered."
The
Museum and Interpretative Center of Chaco Canyon
image
The Chaco Collection contains approximately one
million artifacts from over 120 sites in Chaco
Canyon and the surrounding region. Because most
of the artifacts were systematically collected
and documented, the collections are extremely
valuable for scientific studies.
The Archive documents over 100
years of excavation in Chaco Canyon, and contains
approximately 300 linear feet of records, 30,000
photographs, 7,000 color slides, 600 glass lantern
slides, 2,000 maps, 1,000 manuscripts, and field
notes, reports, and other written records.
The objects in this exhibit represent
the range of materials in the Chaco Collection.
They give us insight into the remarkable achievements
of the Chacoan culture, and help us connect more
directly to the past.
digging
stick
The
Foods of Chaco Canyon
How a large and complex society fed itself.
Squash,
corn, watermelon and pinon seeds.
The Chaco
Mystery of Sustenance: one theory
"The Chaco Canyon Anasazi had no
visible means of support. How did they survive?
These Anasazi developed a sophisticated, though
previously unrecognized, knowledge of the earth,
particularly in relation to extreme fluctuations
in yearly rainfall and its effect upon agricultural
yields. I propose, therefore, that much of the
Chaco Canyon architecture was specifically designed
and constructed in response to this knowledge.
The Chacoans were able to identify a virtually
unknown blue-green algae which was common in the
soil throughout the region and produced soluble
nitrates and as such, could be exploited to produce
fertilizer on which the entire agricultural system
was based. Astronomical architectural alignments
were clearly important, but a dependable and ample
food supply, through ingenious growing and storage
methods, was the foundation of Chacoan civilization."
Explore
the full explanation here.
Bandelier
Best known for mesas, sheer-walled
canyons, and several thousand ancestral Pueblo
dwellings found among them, Bandelier also includes
over 23,000 acres of designated wilderness. The
best-known archeological sites, in Frijoles (beans)
Canyon near the Visitor Center, were inhabited
by farmers from the 1100s into the mid-1500s,
and earlier groups had used the area for thousands
of years. The park was named for Adolph Bandelier,
a 19th-century anthropologist.
Frijoles Canyon, contains the
(restored) ruins of a number of dwellings, kivas
(ceremonial structures) and rock paintings. Some
of the dwellings were rock structures built on
the canyon floor; others were "cave dwellings"
produced by voids in the tuff of the canyon wall
and enlarged by human action; and still others
were constructed of rock but used the canyon wall
as the back wall of rooms. A 1 mile (1.6 km) paved
loop trail from the visitors' center affords access
to these features. A spur trail extending beyond
this loop leads to Ceremonial Cave, a shelter
cave produced by erosion of the soft tuff and
containing a small, restored kiva that the hiker
may enter via ladder. Some theories hold that
this cave was where turkeys were kept. Turkeys
were prized primarily as a souce of feathers and
secondarily for food.
Learn
more about the major Pre-Columbian Indian Cultures
in the United States
Kuaua
Pueblo at Coronado State Monument, Bernalillo
The village was located on the
west side of the Rio Grande across from present-day
Bernillio, NM--about 17 miles north of present-day
Albuquerque, NM. The place had more than 1200
rooms. Construction was begun in the early fourteenth
century. The place was abandoned shortly after
the violent arrival of the Spanish in 1540-41.
Most of the inhabitants were victims of genocide
and Euro-viruses. See three views here of this
ancient site here.
Runner
in the Sun: A Story of Indian Maize
A society under stress must change or be destroyed.
A pre-columbian Native American village in the
Southwest has endured many years of drought and
has reached its breaking point. Will the external
forces of nature or the internal strife of the
people be the hammer that shatters the village?
This question is explored through the eyes of
a boy, named Salt in the language of his people.
Salt survives the machinations of a powerful member
of his tribe, then begins a quest to find salvation
for his people. Ostensibly a novel for young adults,
Runner in the Sun presents a complex metaphor
to explore the forces of societal change within
a familiar hero-quest plot. The story seems simple
but has rich soil in which anthropological and
linguistic fruit may grow. Even the boy's name,
Salt, carries metaphorical depth. As the village's
water evaporates in drought, what is left is the
people's true essence--the minerals the water
carried. D'Arcy McNickle's lifelong focus on the
shape of Indian society and its relationship to
its surrounding world are expressed in the mythic
context of Runner in the Sun (which is also a
plain good read, too).Reviewer:
Don Vogel (Montgomery Village, MD USA) Amazon
Continue
to our exhibit about
Apache, Navajo and Pueblo Indians' food heritage
here.
Click on images below
to visit other NM food heritage exhibits.
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